London, United Kingdom— The Middle East has undergone drastic developments and changes in the past four years. One of the key issues that has become a central theme in political discourse both in the region and outside is that of Political Islam, therefore I feel it is necessary to briefly assess the developments of political Islamic groups in the “Arab Spring” countries.
“Islamic Fundamentalism” or “Political Islam” are terms that have been created in current debates on the Middle East and other regions that have a perceptible but not an austerely constrained scale of reference. The terms refer to modern political ideologies and movements, that are mostly oppositional to the ruling government and seek to establish in one sense or another, an Islamic state. Oliver Roy stated in his 1992 publication Failure of Political Islam that Islamist movements were running out of steam as a revolutionary force and had reached a crossroads[1]. First of all not long before the release of his book, Islamic political movements were already gaining overwhelming success and were mobilizing mass popular support. Most notable case during this period was in Algeria when the Front Islamique du Salut (FIS) gained huge electoral support, which ironically also led to its suppression. However recent developments and paradigm shifts in the Middle East have also contested this statement made by Roy, most notably the “Arab Awakening”.
From the streets of the small town of Sidi Bouzid in Tunisia, came a huge tsunami that spread across the Middle East promising to sweep away the old despots who governed Arab countries with an iron fist. These events were rapidly clustered together under the term of the “Arab Spring”
It is almost fours years since Tunisian market trader Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire after a dispute with a government official in December 2010, which then triggered the “Arab Spring”.
Although the Middle East has been submerged with critical obstacles and dilemmas since the Arab Awakening, it must be acknowledged that it was a significant and historical occurrence, it may not be as black and white as the fall of the Berlin Wall but it has catapulted a major transformation in the region and believe it or not the process is still in its infant stages.
Almost four years on, one of the most striking aspects to observe is, how the trajectory of the Arab Spring has altered and transformed. The narrative of the Arab Spring was being interpreted through the rose-tinted prism of Western ideals. The story told was that of a great wave of democracy finally coming to save the Middle East that would sweep away the old autocrats.
The first half of 2011 proved to be crucial for the future of the Arab uprisings. There was an atmosphere of optimism, particularly for foreign powers like the United States of America. May 2011 saw the capture and killing of the world’s most notorious and wanted terrorist Osama Bin Laden. This was a significant development and gain for the American counter terrorism community. They saw the removal of Bin Laden as the beginning of turning a major tide against Al-Qaeda. This was seen as a major blow to Islamic fundamentalism.
The autumn of 2011 signaled another turn in the “Arab Spring” narrative. It became apparent that the main beneficiaries of this new democratic opening in the Middle East were Islamist groups. This came as quite a surprise to many as Islamists were not the vanguard of the uprisings. They played marginal roles in the protests that filled the streets of Arab countries. Islamic insignia and calls for the Sharia were not at the forefront of the revolts, so how then did Islamist groups garner large swathes of support from local citizens? Islamists are known to be distinguished in their political mobilization skills so it was really no wonder that their popularity and attraction grew. In October 2011, the El-Nahda Party in Tunisia secured 41 percent of the vote in the first post-revolutionary parliamentary elections, making it the country’s main political party. In January 2012, the political wing of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Freedom and Justice won close to a majority, even the Salafist al Nour party had managed to gain a significant amount of votes, giving Islamist groups in Egypt an extraordinary influence over the people’s assembly. Following these successes came the victory of Mohammed Morsi in June 2012, in Egypt’s first ever-free presidential elections.
However, the political gains won by Islamists, highlighted another crucial element about the Arab Awakening, the revolts lacked any ideological underpinning. The masses went to the streets not to fight for an idea, as in the American and French revolutions, but against individual dictators per se. When the old regimes collapsed, there were no clear alternatives to replace them, and worse, no coherent direction.[2]
Fast forward to 2014, the tale and discourse has once again altered. It is a difficult task to describe the success and failures of the 2010 and 2011 revolts. There isn’t a unanimous theme running across all MENA countries however political Islam can still be considered a salient political force in the region despite the setbacks and failures it has endured over the past four years.
A brief overview of some of the Arab Spring countries will enable us to assess the level of involvement and influence of Islamist groups since the uprisings. The situation of Yemen in 2011, looked penitent, Al-Qaeda had taken over broad swathes of territory, which deepened the challenges of foreign policy makers in the region. Although it can’t be described as a success story, it is not a failure either, the Muslim Brotherhood branch in Yemen has worked with the government and has been part of the transition and not seen as the enemy. In Tunisia, although there are still many creases left to be ironed out, we have seen a successful handover of power, Islamists have worked with the transitional government and passed on the reigns in preparation for the coming elections.
To many observers, Egypt at the moment portrays a meager and regretful picture for Islamists and political Islam. The Muslim Brotherhood and Islamist groups in general, initially benefitted from being the most organized but were soon faced with the challenges of governing. Despite the views and emotions people exercise towards the Brotherhood, it can’t be denied that they were in a precarious situation whilst in power. They were battling a constant struggle between their constituents and the demands of secular and liberal Egyptians who did not vote for them. There are many other factors that almost determined the failure of the Brotherhood right from the very beginning. They faced remnants of the old regime that were very hostile to them. The institutional culture of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt is very different to the Brotherhoods of Jordan and Yemen. In Egypt they have always been on the outside of the political system and to some extent treated as pariahs. The coup of July 2013 saw a reversal of democracy in Egypt and a return of dictatorial rule. To some extent, the violence that ensued the coup, has salvaged the popularity and reputation of the Muslim Brotherhood and it is most certainly not the end of the movement in Egypt and neither is political Islam obsolete in other Arab countries.
The Arab Spring and the growing prominence of Islamist groups have raised great concerns for Western countries over their security, the impact on terrorism and the radicalization of the local Muslim community. The challenges faced by both the Middle East and the international community now, is in our perception and understanding of political Islam and Islamist groups. What is crucial to remember is that Islamism is not monolithic. The term is overused and has become synonymous with terrorism and this is one of the grave mistakes made by both regional and international players. Groups like the Islamic State (IS) and Al-Qaeda must be separated from the moderate Islamists. Only then will Islamists and non-Islamists find a way to eliminate divides through peaceful and democratic processes, however given the current state of pandemonium and international meddling in the Middle East, this seems like an unattainable and euphoric reverie.
[1] Oliver Roy, Globalized Islam The Search for a New Ummah 2004
[2] Mhamed Biygautane, Al Arabiya News Monday 5th August 2013
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Nishaat Ismail is completing a MSc in Middle East in Global Politics: Islam, Conflict and Development at Birkbeck University of London. Nishaat has also a BA in History from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London. Nishaat specialises in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa.
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