Open Letter to H.M. King Mohamed VI

[symple_box] Driss El Machkour is a Moroccan-Canadian Policy advisor and researcher for the MENA region. He holds a Master’s in Labour Policies and Globalisation from the Berlin School of Economics and Law, A post-bachelor’s Common Law degree from the University of Moncton, Canada and License de Droit Privé de l’Université de Fes. He worked with the ILO office in Cairo, Egypt. [/symple_box]

I am taking the liberty to write to you on the upcoming 40th anniversary of the Green March. Growing up as a young child in Fes, I kept fond memories of the thousands of volunteers who heeded the call of your late father, H.M. Hassan II, to join the Green March to liberate the Sahara from colonial Spain. Needless to say that this year also marks the 40th year of the ongoing conflict between Morocco and the Polisario front, which represents a sizable portion of the Sahraoui population who made the perilous journey to the refugee camps of Tindouf. While their brethren who remained in the Western Sahara have had significant improvements in their lives throughout the years, thanks to the kingdom’s investment in infrastructure and human development; those who left for Tindouf have endured some of the harshest living conditions and depend on international aid to survive. Not to mention their inability to join their homeland because of the restrictions imposed by those who seek to prolong this conflict further. I would like to elucidate two observations before I could elaborate on my thoughts for resolution of this conflict.

Firstly, the status quo of modus vivendi is not sustainable and could potentially affect Morocco’s interests negatively in the long run. The international community has been showing an ever-increasing interest in the stability of the MENA region in light of the recent political upheavals, along with the threat of terrorism in the Sahel region. Having the specter of an open-conflict in the Sahara in which terrorist elements could potentially partake is a constant threat to the security of the region.

Secondly, any solution to the Western Sahara conflict ought to be sanctioned by the UN for it to be lasting. As the last 40 years have shown, despite Morocco’s ability to assume the governing of the Sahara, unfortunately, in the eyes of international law, the matter is still a contentious one.

As any protracted conflict in which opposing parties are unable to reach a compromise, a viable solution requires innovative and courageous thinking. To this day, I have not met or talked to a single Moroccan who does not wholeheartedly believes in the Moroccanity of the Western. Fortunately, the Western Sahara issue has become the national cause par excellence, thus garnering a national consensus. It is outside of its borders that Morocco has been less successful in rallying the legal support for its cause. Politically, however, Morocco has benefited from its traditional allies continued support in the international fora, including in the UN. Therefore it is incumbent on the Moroccan leadership to convert some of this political capital into an internationally-sanctioned legal status.

So far the UN declared objective is to achieve a “just, lasting and mutually acceptable political solution,” its approach however resulted in a series of rounds of mediated talks between Morocco and the Polisario front with no headway into the horizon. I think a parallel effort should be invested to highlight the future benefits both parties stand to gain in the event of an agreement. In other terms, while it is commended that we strive to find a solution in the future, we can also envisage that future[finding a solution to the conflict] as a reality and reverse-engineer to replicate the steps taken that will get us there. A future that is free of security threats, where the thousands of refugees would be able to move back and resettle their homes and reconnect with their families they left behind, where free trade and economic prosperity will affect all, and a future where ultimately borders will be open for people and goods to move freely.

It is certainly not utopian to envisage such a future, as the human experience has taught us in other parts of the world. In fact, not too long ago, on the other side of the Mediterranean, the old Continent was embroiled in centuries’ long battles, but today, despite a multitude of cultures and languages, Europeans enjoy thriving economies in a virtually borderless environment.  Undoubtedly the way to get there will be arduous at times, but the benefits are so enormous that it is worth the risk, albeit a calculated one.

Out of peace plans tabled by the UN, I believe James Baker III was the most promising. To my understanding, Morocco’s refusal for that initiative stems from the prospects of relinquishing Western Sahara, in the event of an unfavorable referendum outcome, in which it has invested much in blood and treasure. These concerns had certainly some validity in the early 90’s but the accelerated economic and social integration witnessed in the last two decades between Morocco and the Sahara region can only benefit the latter should the former make that fateful choice . In addition, to alleviate some of this residual concern, Morocco should propose a longer autonomy transition period to about eight years. After which a referendum should be held with three options. Namely, a full integration with Morocco as its southern province, the indefinite maintaining of advanced autonomy under Morocco, or independence. The scope of this transition autonomy period would enable the Sahraouis to self-government. They will be able to do so by electing their own local parliament, along with an executive government and an independent judiciary. Matters of defence and internal security will be handled by Morocco in coordination with the MINURSO. Morocco should also handle foreign affairs.

The benefits of a sustained autonomy period, ranging from a genuine political exercise to economic participation for the Sahraouis should create favorable conditions for a referendum outcome. The recent Scottish experience has shown that economic security, coupled with significant political autonomy can supersede the uncertainty of nationalist ambitions. In the same way that the Green March was a peaceful action to rid the Sahara from its colonial past, Morocco can lead again to show courage in peaceful conflict management. The time is right for a start.

[symple_box] Driss El Machkour is a Moroccan-Canadian Policy advisor and researcher for the MENA region. He holds a Master’s in Labour Policies and Globalisation from the Berlin School of Economics and Law, A post-bachelor’s Common Law degree from the University of Moncton, Canada and License de Droit Privé de l’Université de Fes. He worked with the ILO office in Cairo, Egypt. [/symple_box]